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A history of abraham lincolns honesty to save the us nation

Lind, Michael, Lincoln Believed: An Ethical Biography New York: I do not know that history has made a record of attainment of any corresponding eminence by any other man who so habitually, so constitutionally, did to others as he would have them do to him. At home, in the office, on a horse, in the woods, in a buggy, Mr.

Lincoln thought about life, politics, and morality. And in doing those things, he was able, to an unusual degree, to avoid the bane, scourge, curse, and disease that threaten all human statements of moral claims and national ideals — self-righteousness, invidiousness, moral pride and condescension.

Lincoln scholar Harry V. The young Lincoln lived out that principle. He would respond to both with an unusually high level of seriousness. One was the idealism of the new American republic. The other was the religion drawn from the Bible there in the [Indiana] cabin, and promulgated the Pigeon Creek Baptist Church and by the various gatherings of sects in New Salem.

Lincoln believed in laws that imperiously ruled both matter and mind.

There were no accidents in his philosophy. Every event had its cause. The past to him was the cause of the present and the present including the past will be the cause of the grand future and all are one, links in the endless chain, stretching from the infinite to the finite.

  • A corollary to this belief was that God had created a moral law for the government of men and that men should seek to approximate human law to the Divine law;
  • We dared not make an affidavit for continuance, founded on facts, because no such pertinent and material facts as the law contemplated existed.

Everything to him was the result of the forces of Nature, playing on matter and mind from the beginning of time and will to the end of it, play on matter and mind giving the world other, further, and grander results. I mean the increasing disregard for law which pervades the country; the growing disposition to substitute the wild and furious passions, in lieu of the sober judgement of Courts; and the worse than savage mobs, for the executive ministers of justice.

  1. We all declare for liberty; but in using the same word we do not all mean the same thing.
  2. All these are links in the endless chain stretching from the finite to the infinite. Lincoln scholar Harry V.
  3. Lincoln both valued his own integrity and the integrity of the Union as he demonstrated in his attacks on the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854.
  4. They have pervaded the country, from New England to Louisiana; — they are neither peculiar to the eternal snows of the former, nor the burning suns of the latter; — they are not the creature of climate—neither are they confined to the slaveholding, or the non-slaveholding States. If it depends on some other course, I will stay at home.
  5. Everything to him was the result of the forces of Nature, playing on matter and mind from the beginning of time and will to the end of it, play on matter and mind giving the world other, further, and grander results.

This disposition is awfully fearful in any community; and that now exists in ours, though grating to our feelings to admit, it would be violation of truth, and an insult to our intelligence, to deny.

Accounts of outrages committed by mobs, form the every-day news of the times. They have pervaded the country, from New England to Louisiana; — they are neither peculiar to the eternal snows of the former, nor the burning suns of the latter; — they are not the creature of climate—neither are they confined to the slaveholding, or the non-slaveholding States. Alike, they spring up among the pleasure hunting masters of Southern slaves, and the order loving citizens of the land of steady habits.

Whatever, then, their cause may be, it is common to the whole country. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by every American mother, to the lisping babe, that prattles on her lap — let it be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in colleges; — let it be written in Primmers, spelling books, and in Almanacs; — let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice.

And, in short, let it become the political religion of the nation; and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars. Lincoln understood context as well as principles.

Lincoln to complex moral analysis and tough political action.

  • The plea was as skilfully drawn as I knew how, and was framed as if we had the evidence to sustain it;
  • He possessed a mind and a conscience, and consequently he was capable of governing himself through democratic government.

He saw the legislation, sponsored by Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas, as an attack on the equality principle of the Declaration of Independence. Characteristically, Lincoln saw the United States as dating neither from Plymouth Rock nor from the Constitution, but from the Declaration of Independence.

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Said Lincoln to the pro-temperance Washingtonian Society: This, I think, was both impolitic and unjust. It was impolitic, because, it is not much in the nature of man to be driven to any thing; still less to be driven about that which is exclusively his own business; and least of all, where such driving is to be submitted to, at the expense of pecuniary interest, or burning appetite.

Those principles combined reverence for the Declaration of Independence with respect for the Constitution. Lincoln saw slavery as antithetical to the principles of these Founding doctrines. He saw the nation, then, as the product of the Revolution of 1776 not as a product of steady habit, custom, or the Constitution of 1787. As an Illinois state politician, his positions on internal improvements, state banks, and tariffs were drawn from adaptations of his doctrine.

Lincoln expanded this tenet during the 1850s as the basis for his opposition to slavery by asserting that as members of humanity, slaves, too, deserved an equal opportunity to succeed.

Lincoln reverenced work — even when he joked about it. As President, he wrote: Set a history of abraham lincolns honesty to save the us nation at it, if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a merit, that should be encouraged. Political scientist Joseph R. The document is foundational in the following ways: I have often said that for a man who was for a quarter of a century both a lawyer and a politician he was the most honest man I ever knew. He was not only morally honest but intellectually so — he could not reason falsely — if he attempted it he failed.

In politics he never would try to mislead — at the bar when he thought he was wrong he was the weakest lawyer I ever saw. He told a Pennsylvania Congressman: Criticizing a well-to-do political opponent in the 1830s, young Lincoln said: Historian Richard Norton Smith noted: This charming tale had but one deficiency — it had been made up out of whole cloth by a writer who just assumed, as he put it in a post-election letter to the victorious candidate, that Lincoln was familiar with the erudite volume.

If a supporter exaggerated his virtues, then Lincoln would do his best not to make a liar out of him. He admitted he was from the outset of his career and his values did not exist in isolation from his ambition. He wanted to make a name for himself — but he wanted to do so by pursuing principled policies. It was obviously not a desire to propitiate constituency interests which prompted him to speak out in this way; nor could it have been a wish to demonstrate his party loyalty.

He had already done the latter by supporting the [George] Ashmun resolution, and it was not necessary to further risk local censure on that account alone. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief.

It scorns to tread in the footsteps of any predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for distinction; and, if possible, it will have it, whether at the expense of emancipating slaves, or enslaving freemen.

  • He wanted to make a name for himself — but he wanted to do so by pursuing principled policies;
  • This, I think, was both impolitic and unjust;
  • He would respond to both with an unusually high level of seriousness;
  • Stuart and Edwards once brought a suit against a client of ours which involved the title to considerable property;
  • Stuart and Edwards once brought a suit against a client of ours which involved the title to considerable property;
  • Journalist Noah Brooks recalled that President Lincoln once said:

Is it unreasonable then to expect, that some man possessed of the loftiest genius, coupled with ambition sufficient to push it to its utmost stretch, will at some time, spring up among us?

And when such a one does, it will require the people to be united with each other, attached to the government and a history of abraham lincolns honesty to save the us nation, and generally intelligent, to successfully frustrate his designs. Lincoln both valued his own integrity and the integrity of the Union as he demonstrated in his attacks on the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854.

Scholar Rogan Kersh wrote: Do we not own the country? And if we surrender the control of it, do we not surrender the right of self-government? It is part of ourselves…when all the parts are gone, what has become of the whole? What is there left of us? What use for the General Government, when there is nothing left of us?

There are few things wholly evil or wholly good. Almost every thing…is an inseparable compound of the two, so that our best judgment of the preponderance between them is continually demanded. The struggle between right and wrong consumed Lincoln. In his Alton debate with Senator Stephen A. Douglas in 1858, Mr. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles — right and wrong —throughout the world.

They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. Journalist Ellis Henry Robert visited Illinois in 1860 and wrote: Lincoln among his neighbors. No man living is more profoundly respected and more ardently beloved among those who know him best.

All parties and interests join in paying tribute to his private virtues. Everywhere I heard him spoke of as the best of husbands, the kindest of parents, the most irreproachable of citizens. In the late summer and early fall of 1842, he became involved in a dispute with Illinois State Auditor James Shields that almost concluded in a duel. Instead, at the last minute, a negotiated settlement of their differences was reached by friends. McPherson wrote that Mr. He recognized that an honorable man could not hide behind anonymity or politics in an attack on the integrity or character of another; he must accept responsibility for his words and actions.

As a result of this experience, wrote [Douglas L.

He never got excited and never stormed around, but he was resolute. Every effect must have its cause. The past is the cause of the present, and the present will be the cause of the future.

All these are links in the endless chain stretching from the finite to the infinite. He was a brilliant, subtle, troubled man feeling his way through a national identity crisis.

Jacques Barzun described Lincoln as a pragmatist even as he confronted the evil of slavery. For Lincoln in the 1850s, the big point was preventing the spread of slavery. As President, the big point was preserving the Union — and then ending slavery as well.

Abraham Lincoln’s Values and Philosophy

He proved willing to compromise on issues he had always considered inessential, but refused to countenance any concession that ran the risk of sundering the Republican party and surrendering the results of the election before his administration. He believed they should be held constant. However, his principles scared him when he contemplated marriage.